Two Letters to US Congress

By Li Thian-hok , Jan. 31, 2004

On December 30, 2003, China's ambassador to the US, Yang Jiechi, wrote a letter to each member of the House of Representatives. The opening paragraph of the letter reads as follows:

I have learnt with deep concern that some Congressional members are currently drafting a resolution to support the Taiwan authorities' attempt to hold a "referendum" and write a "new constitution." This is a highly political issue which deserves close attention.

Ambassador Yang then went on to argue that the proposed referendum is "a cover for [President Chen Shui-bian's] pursuit of Taiwan independence," making in the process many misleading and specious statements.

President Chen, on the other hand, insists the defensive referendum is to make the people of Taiwan more aware of China's serious military threat and to help preserve the status quo. He wants to conduct the referendum on March 20, 2004, in conjunction with the presidential election in spite of the Bush administration's objection.

China has threatened the use of force if Taiwan were to conduct a referendum. During the week of July 27, 2003, director of the State Council's Taiwan Affairs Office Chen Yunlin and his deputy, Zhou Mingwei, were reported to have told US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage that any referendum in Taiwan was unacceptable as it would lead to an eventual vote on independence. "If Taiwan holds a referendum, it will cross the red line of China's tolerance. China will not sit idle."

On December 17, 2003, Li Weiyi, a spokesman for the Taiwan Affairs Office, accused Taiwan President Chen of risking war with his plans for a symbolic referendum on China's missile deployments. "We must make all needed preparations to resolutely smash these splittist schemes for Taiwanese independence," Mr. Li said. Later in the month Chinese Premier Wen Jiabia chimed in: "China would pay any price to safeguard the unity of the motherland."

So there is a potential Chinese military action against Taiwan in March or around May 20, the day the elected president of Taiwan will be inaugurated. Yet it would be virtually impossible for President Chen to accede to the Bush administration's wishes. Over the past few years, there has been a groundswell of Taiwanese nationalism in response to China's intransigence. There were two massive demonstrations in support of a referendum law and a new constitution to improve the efficacy of governance this past year. The demonstrators numbered 150,000 and 200,000 in Taipei and Kaoshiung, respectively. No political party can ignore such an outpouring of popular will and stay in power. That is why the pan-blue alliance of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and People First Party (PFP) reversed its long-held position and pushed for the passage of its version of the referendum law.

The pan-blue alliance is committed to an early annexation of Taiwan by China. America's interest is the maintenance of the status quo, which gives Taiwan a de facto independent status free from China's political control. If the Bush administration succeeds in compelling President Chen to abandon the peace referendum, his disappointed supporters could well abstain from voting to protest his betrayal of democratic values. Chen's defeat would most likely result in Taiwan's capitulation to the People's Republic within a couple of years. This will effectively terminate America's role as guarantor of peace and stability, drastically alter the geopolitical landscape of East Asia, and usher in seminal instability and turmoil in the region.

What can be done to resolve the impasse? The first step is to do away with the misconceptions and false assertions which surround this dispute about Taiwan's proposed referendum. So here is an open letter to members of the House of Representatives which rebuts Ambassador Yang's seductive letter and offers a proper way to forestall a conflict in the Taiwan Strait. While much of the US ground force is tied up in Iraq and the US military is stretched thin, we can deploy sufficient naval and air power in the Western Pacific to deter Chinese military aggression against democratic Taiwan.

The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8) states: "The preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan are hereby affirmed as objectives of the United States." (Section 2(c)). To achieve this end, the Bush administration is mandated by Congress to "maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan." (Section 2(a)(6)).

Dear Congressman [ ]:

As your constituent, I am deeply concerned about the seeming disagreement between President George W. Bush and President Chen Shui-bian of Taiwan regarding the "peace referendum" which President Chen proposes to conduct on March 20, 2004 in conjunction with the presidential election in Taiwan.

On December 30, Ambassador Jiechi Yang of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has sent you a letter outlining China's objections to the "peace referendum." I would like to point out some factual errors in that letter. First, the United States does not recognize China's claim of sovereignty over Taiwan. We merely acknowledge the Chinese position, without agreeing to it. The US One China policy also differs from PRC's One China principle in two other respects. The US insists on peaceful resolution of Taiwan's future status and that any settlement must have the assent of the people of Taiwan. The PRC insists on its right to resort to force and coercion and that the future status of Taiwan is to be decided exclusively by the PRC government.

Ambassador Yang asserts that China's basic policy is "peaceful reunification." China ceded Taiwan to Japan in 1895. Since then the island has been ruled by a central Chinese government for only four years – 1945 to 1949. The current government in Beijing have never ruled Taiwan. The word "reunification" is a misnomer, "annexation" is more apt. The word "peaceful" is inappropriate, too, since China has been actively developing the military capability to launch a multi-pronged surprise attack on Taiwan and to deny US forces the opportunity to render assistance in time. Beyond the several hundred missiles targeted on Taiwan, the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has acquired modern weaponry and conducted massive military exercises – these are hardly evidence of peaceful intentions.

President Chen's "peace referendum" will ask China to renounce the use of force and to withdraw the missiles deployed against Taiwan. It is a defensive referendum which does not involve the question of independence or annexation. China's concern that any referendum mechanism can later be utilized to decide Taiwan's sovereignty is disingenuous. The referendum law which was passed on November 27, 2003 was drafted by the pan-blue alliance of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the People First Party (PFP), which favor Taiwan's eventual annexation by the PRC. The law is designed to prevent a referendum on the independence or annexation issue.

From the US standpoint, a referendum is desirable. How else could the people of Taiwan express their assent to a proposed settlement of Taiwan's status.

In order to preserve Taiwan's hard-won freedom and to keep the peace in the Taiwan Strait, we request that you support the Congressional resolution soon to be introduced in the House to urge the Bush administration (1) to affirm our commitment to defend Taiwan's democracy in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act; (2) to refrain from interfering in Taiwan's domestic politics, and cease its objection to President Chen's "peace referendum" which cannot be deemed "provocative" by any stretch of the imagination; and (3) reinforce US naval and air presence in the Western Pacific promptly so as to deter any military adventure by the PRC.

At issue is not just the freedom of the 23 million citizens of Taiwan and peace in the Taiwan Strait, but also whether the PRC can become a peaceful member of the civilized global community or turn into an expansionist power intent on becoming the hegemon of Asia and beyond. Standing firmly with our democratic friends is in our national interest. As the sage late Congressman Gerald Solomon has averred: "Taiwan's security is ultimately America's security as well."

I look forward to hearing your view on this important subject.